Kristanto Budiprabowo

INTRODUCTION

In this paper I want to discuss about the model of religious leadership in Java community in the early 19th century. At that century as seen in the figure of Prince Diponegoro, who led the war of Java, we know that he was not just religious leaders associated with the rituals and teachings. In Javanese culture which really upholds the role of charismatic leaders, the leadership has many implications. Leadership is directly related to political, cultural, religious and socio-economical affairs.

I argue that the leadership of a Javanese religious leader in the late 18th century gains a strong legitimacy if it appears in the forms of relationships with various levels in society. It appearance may even be in various stages of human life materially and spiritually. Furthermore the leader needs to have a unique and varies credibility in each level. The leader should presence in the middle of the followers, in the midst of society, in the midst of political and cultural power holders which have distinctive shapes. It is not uncommon for religious leader also associated with supernatural or mythological figure such as the figure of the southern ocean queen, Merapi mountain ruler, and other divine power.

The story of Sadrach and his community is the story of the important role of religious leaders in the context of rural Javanese society. Traditionally, as a religious leader he cannot escape from his function as a teacher (guru ngelmu) and his social position that automatically incorporated him as the middle class. But in his story, we can see that it is common for someone to change his or her name in order to strengthen his social position. Sadrach first name is “Radin” and then changed became Sadrach as a sign that he is Christian and he add the second name Surapranatha (who has the courage to administer) as a kind honorary degree at the new name (Partonadi,1990, p.71). Leaders need to have attributes that relate directly to the community’s hope that leaders will emerge and make community living a prosperous, safe, peaceful, and protected from all kinds of dangers.

As a Christian who tried to preserve Javanese culture, Sadrach is a figure of leader who exactly know about the Javanese ideal of religious leader. In the context of unstable of social, cultural, and political situation, religious leader is challenged to give answers to the community needs. And vice versa, the religious leadership is made up of as much as cultural acceptance of new religious forms owned by the leader. The religious leader depends on the community cohesion and socio-cultural situation that need it.

My theory is that charismatic leader in Javanese culture associated with his absolute experience, his perfection of cultural knowledge (ngelmu), and his ways to build the group and organized it. Seeing the story of Sadrach and the community he had built, I want to describe an alternative understanding of a small movement of the Christian religion in the late 18th century as a movement of religious independence. As every local religious leader who has the cultural independence even though he can be bound by particular organization. In the case of Sadrach we see that Dutch Church is his group mother organization. In short, when forming a new religious community, charismatic leadership is absolutely necessary.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In 1820’s Serat Centhini written and published and became a literary works that very influential in Java (Ricklefs, 2006, p.206). This is a literary work which gives a fairly complete picture of how the form of mysticism among the most influential people in Java. It is refer by peoples who life around the palace and by scholars in the pesantren. According to Ricklefs, mystic synthesis ideas dominantly appeared and became an important feature in the life of Javanese society in later years. The date of publication of Serat Centini listed as historical background in order to understand the Sadrach group’s movement have an aim to see how strong mystical tradition rooted in the life of Javanese people.

In 1830’s can be said that the Dutch completed controlling Java and monopolizing the whole life of Javanese people. In the political field, most of political affair controlled by the Dutch government represent by governor general. Kings and princes are mostly people who are pro-Dutch unless of course Prince Diponegoro and several princes who initially sided with him. The regional leaders (bupati) selected by the Dutch. According to Ricklefs, in the economic field, because of Johannes van den Bosch proposals in 1829, Dutch begins the cultuurstelsel policy (cultivation system). The combination of political and economical powers that make up the power of the Dutch and Javanese elite in practice have a bad consequences for society. Widespread agricultural land for agricultural production that can be sold in Europe such as coffee, sugar and indigo requires a lot of laborer. In addition, not all culturstelsel plans can be held well. Bagelen itself in the residency noted that in the year 1840 where 15 per cent of land devoted to this kulturstelsel interests (Rickleds, 2001, p.214). This is not a very significant number compared to other regions, especially in west Java areas that can achieve one hundred percent of land devoted to agricultural production for export. Latter government realizes that that number was create enough difficulties for people to meet the daily needs of the farming business.

After the Diponegoro war ended (1855), for a long time there were not rise a leader that can provoke people in an anti-colonialism movement. In the political field the movement of anti-colonial that usually had appeared in a sporadic and led by some Javanese Aristocrats almost vanished. Furthermore, it was none of the movement leaders can be said have a national implication.  Diponegoro postwar fatigue was caused society suffered enough. Some groups of people have even reported migrated to the east Java for some reason to avoid war or another cultural reason. All in all it is clear that Javanese socio-economic conditions in early 19th century experienced the most drastic decline.

The conditions above are afterward caused the emergence of Ethical Policy of the Dutch government or in practice it is kind of political debts refund in three main programs: educational development, irrigation project and inter-island migration. This new political situation allows missionary work with the rapid progress among the natives, especially in the cities. In Ethical Policy, there is also kerstenings politiek that quite clear influences the emergence of some Christian schools and Christian hospitals in many cities (Aritonang, 2004, p.158). This is what in the 1860’s became the most prominent types in distinguishing urban community with fairly comprehensive on education and health facilities in contrast with rural communities that in those need was still very dependent on traditional teachers and local dukhun (traditional healer). In other word, the local missionary built groups among the peasant in rural areas, they directly faced with local religious practice. In addition, the foreign missionary built groups among the urban which is official government employed and Javanese middleclass.

SADRACH’S COMMUNITY

The entire situation described above in some ways influences the performance of religious leaders. For example, at that time, Islamic religious leaders who have an opportunity to do the pilgrimage to Mecca increase in number, and then lead the Islamic reform movements provoke by new hajjes (Ricklefs, 2008, p.34). And it is reform movement means that Javanese Muslim should left and reject the Javanese culture and adopt Arabic lifestyle. The emergences of Javanese-Christian religious leaders in contrast show the effort to use Javanese culture in its religious practice.

In general, the appearances of religious groups are like the picture on Geertz’s typologies which are priyayi, santri and abangan (Geertz, 1960). Priyayis are religious groups who have a relationship with government power. At that time the power is the combination of power of Dutch and indigenous leaders that approved by the Dutch (Ricklefs, 2001, p157). This kind of group also appeared in Christian circles who are Javanese-Christians who joined the Dutch church in town. Santri is a group of prominent Muslim reformers in the purification of Islam and criticized traditional Islamic practices that use aspects of Javanese culture. Similar with this typology, in Christian group it is represented by Dutch missionaries that make a gap with Javanese culture and Javanese people who became a member of Dutch Church which is called as a Londo-Kristen. In this group of people the most popular term is 'Landa wurung, Jawa tanggung' (not Dutch enough and not fully Java anymore). Abangan is a group of the common people, or rural communities that difficult to afford the pilgrimage and not influenced too much by the migrant lifestyle. In this group, the religious and political constellation is very dynamic places simultaneously with the economic consequences to bear.

Sadrach presents as a missionary among the common abangan group that usually led by the local kyai. He uses local culture as an important feature of the Christianity practice. Because of it, the distinction between the Javanese-Christian and the Dutch-Christian became an important issue among the early Javanese Christian community. It is even directly influence to the model of some charismatic leader, which independence from Dutch domination (at least in terms of religious organizations). Immunization as a basic standard of health care saw as a threat of it independency. It seems that local Christian leader independency lead by Sadrach is a form of authenticity of a local religious leader character. Through using the most typical leadership that understood by all members of the group is the most efficient way to teach a new religion.

Sadrach was not extraordinary leader. If we see him from his ancestral line he's just an ordinary people. His journey to become a Christian is also relatively similar to the early Javanese Christian followers. The conversion process which he experienced is a natural process (Hefner, 1993, p.122) as a man who tried to find the authenticity of life. For him, Christianity is a complement of the entire life conscious as a virtue of the Javanese. In the process becomes a Christian he also met and learned a lot from the Dutch people, baptized in the Dutch church, and built with the assistance of a group of Dutch priest.

Sadrach technique to build a Javanese-Christian group is also a common way among local religious leaders. He challenged Islamic kyais to debate and, thereby, converted them and their followers (Ricklefs, 2008, p.35). He came alone to the villages surrounding the residency Bagelen, Pekalongan and Yogyakarta to form a Christian group known as the 'Golongane Wong Kristen Kang Mardika' (Vrije Christenen) (Partonadi, 1990, p.162). The naming of this group clearly signaled a group that are not under the subordination of other groups.

While in the cities, in addition to the Dutch church, Javanese-Christian group emerges under the Dutch church organizations (Gerreformeede Mission) have a great opportunity to build the career in education and health. The existence of Christian schools and Christian health ministry itself is an opportunity for Christians from the town of Java educated to become teachers and medical workers (Sumartana, 1993, p.86).

In the villages, the dependency on a charismatic leader is very strong; a leader can even decide what should be done by the followers (Partonadi, 1990, p.124). Loyalties to the religious leaders are generally described as an adherence to the socio-political power and religion-culture simultaneously. Thus the big names of a great leader is usually associated (Ricklefs, 2006, p.210). Therefore Sutarman records and even the defense of such charismatic leaders can risk your life. Developments in the towns of Christian groups are connected by a church organization directly under the supervision of the church in the Netherlands. While in the villages each member of the Christian group linked by the power from the leaders.

LEADERSHIP AND THE CONCEPT OF RATU ADIL

In many cultures the concept of a ratu adil is often found as an expression of a need for the presence of an ideal leader. In the concept of Java, ratu adil associated with many figures in the sense that has already came or will come in the future. Some important principles in the concept of ratu adil in Java, according to van der Kroef are:

1. The primary source of Javanese Messianic expectations is the stasis mechanism in the Javanese world-view.

2. The Customary reaction of autochthonous Javanese culture traits to foreign culture has been one of eclecticism and the reaching of a new cultural homeostasis.

3. No single social class or group seems especially sensitive to the cluster of Messianic beliefs and Usages. The "emotional impact of the Messianic view-point" is therefore a general one.

4. There is no clear concept of the goal of Messianic ideals.

5. The religious and eschatological character of Javanese messianism is overwhelmingly strong. (van der Kroef, 1959, pp.322-323).

So, every people who have a significant role in the society can be ratu adil depend on the socio-political situation and the culture of the followers. Dipanegara ever proclaimed as a ratu adil of Java (Ricklefs, 2001, p.152). Sadrach proclaim Jesus as a ratu adil for the Javanese (Ricklefs, 2001, p.165). As a guru ngelmu who has highly respected by his followers and even exceed the Dutch missionary, once rumored that Sadrach self-proclaimed as ratu adil (Partonadi, 1990, p .182-183). This misunderstanding is the reason why the Dutch missionaries found difficulties to accept and acknowledge Sadrach as part of the work of Christian missionary in Java. It is reasonable since Sadrach leadership and work as a religious leader could be understood by his followers as a presence of ratu adil that will set them free.

Some form of leadership displayed above shows Sadrach quality and includes his concrete experience and the myth around his life story. Some important issues that need to give an attention are: first, the long process of conversion to a Christian till becomes a guru ngelmu, a kyai, and Christian teachers. Second, the way in terms of debating and convert others. Third, his style builds teacher-student relationship between he and his followers. Fourth, how he builds a relation with other groups, and the fifth, which is not less important is the ritual style. Why the ritual is a marker of Sadrach leadership? Because Sadrach performs rituals in the sense of Javanese belief, it is shows the relationship between the living people and divine powers.

Sadrach christened in the Dutch church in Batavia, among Dutch community and by the Dutch minister. He redeemed his babtismal by return to central java on foot and spread good news to the churches in each city that he passes. It gives the impression and appeals to many Javanese Christians. This is the beginning of Sadrach leadership form that can be seen. He is a man who can build relationships with many different parties. His faith stand has possibility to get approval or rejection (Sumartana, 1993, p.66). But at that time, a religious leader who has the courage to not dependent to the Dutch missionary recommendations is a leader who have brave enough.

Some Javanese terms that adopted and use in Sadrach’s community also showed Sadrach’s ability to overcome faith that trapped in cultural terminology. Javanese tembang (song’s notation) used to intone the Christian confession and ‘our fathers’ prayer. He even makes his own confession that it model is equivalent with a brief acknowledgment of the Islamic religion. He called the church building as a masjid and church associations is held using Java's calendar calculations (Partonadi, 1990, pp.130-144). The courage to name their own ways of worship and ritual use of Javanese culture like this in the future become a long problem that until now has not been resolved yet. But quite clearly that such a leader Sadrach is someone who exceeds normative provisions; or rather have the right to build cross-cultural transformations that introduced to the students.

Second, how he contested with other religious leaders (Muslim) openly and directly, even through the debates to overcome knowledge, seems also a way that is sometimes practiced among the leaders of Java. Some of the Sadrach’s first followers are a former debate opponent who defeated such as Kyai Ibrahim, Kyai Kasanmentaram, Kyai Karyadikrama, and Kyai Wiryadikrama (Partonadi, 1990, p.65). The each name describes the social position of these people. Showing the credibility or dominancy in the debate is an important thing in Javanese leadership. It is not necessary to explore the weakness of the discussion partner but rather with wisdom to give any explanation in Javanese cosmological logic.

Third, the teacher-pupil relationship that built in Sadrach community also typical Javanese leadership model and Javanese social structure between the leader and the followers. As a teacher, Sadrach freely consider the students as his children (Partonadi, 1990, p. 78). They are Children whose need momongan (that's why he called pamomong), whose thirsty of spiritual discipline (referred to Sadrach as Guru ngelmu). And because of all the provisions relating to the followers live depends entirely on the Sadrach’s hand then he was called as a gusti, and in this cultural dimension there is a misunderstanding between Sadrach’s group and Dutch missionaries. In discussion about Indonesian teacher-pupil relationship Leister states:

“To understand Indonesian society a most useful concept to keep in mind is the teacher-pupil relationship. When a pupil has to master the teacher’s subject, the less the pupil knows about it the more he will be at the teacher’s mercy. But no teacher can exist without pupils, and as he teaches so the power he has over them decreases until the brighter pupils became his equals, his competitors, even his supplanters” (Palmier 1955,p.120).

This is mention that there is significance in teacher-pupils relationship to create a better education. When the educational trend is western school, it will be better to educate the pupil in this school otherwise they will stay as a pupil. In sadrach case, better pupils are not a guarantee to continue the teacher mission.

Fourth, the photo of Sadrach sitting side by side with Dutch missionaries is a representation of how he took a position in dealing with the colonial people. Besides his title as Kyai (Partonadi, 1990) who commonly used to indicate the equivalent position with local religious leaders, at the end of his life history he also self-proclaimed as an apostle of Javanese people (Sumartana, 1993). Take a position in equivalent with other religious leaders and take a firm stand in dealing with others is Sadrach’s outstanding leadership characteristic. Taking the position in equal with other religious leader in front of society sometime is needed as symbol that as a leader someone still can keep the power.

Fifth, Javanese ritual in which the most important position in the life of Javanese people mostly practiced by Sadrach’s community. Javanese ritual have an importance in the community because "…ritual is not just a pattern of meaning; it is also a form of social interaction" (Geertz, 1957, p.52). That's why Sadrach still allows the rituals practiced by his followers such as Javanese japamantra, circumcision, sedekah, and sesajen (offerings) (Partonadi, 1990, p.181). According to Hefner ritual forms in Java is an opportunity to convince the identity tied to their ancestors and the role of the public as part of the ceremony that held. He insisted that "the practical interaction of wealth, status, and religion all helped to Recreate an environment in which the sage poets, redubbed the shaman, could preserve his liturgy" (Hefner, 1983, p.678). The ritual is part of the form of social relations that bind a group together into spiritual consciousness.

Furthermore the most important Javanese ritual is Slametan. It has many meaning and can practice in many occasions. Since Sadrach did not transform Javanese slametan as a Christian ‘holly supper’ it is show that he prefers to use original meaning of slametan as a social ritual. According to Howard “Kejawen ritual transforms a preexisting group of people into a religious community. This may be a geographic area-a neighbor- hood, village, urban ward, or, at the level of state ceremonies, the entire kingdom; a kin group; or, in contemporary context, a government office or private firm. The slametan links these individuals to common sources of blessing, thus sacralizing an existing entity that is not inherently religious” (Howard, 1988, pp.81-82). Slametan is open ceremony and not in group ceremony. Doing slametan for the Javanese-Christian means that they still part of the neighborhood of society.

CONCLUSION

Sadrach’s Community is another form of Javanese acceptance to new religious streams. It has been a common custom in Java since prehistoric times. Charismatic leader is the center of religious life. Therefore the religious leaders are always linked directly with essential elements of particular religion. Personal charismatic leader is the main attraction of the people to join in particular religious group. In a religion, all forms of organizing, teaching, relationships with others, and the rules of the ritual depends entirely on the leader and become the privilege of a leader as far as these leaders perform in accordance with that common. Even if there are liturgical changes, it can be tolerated as long as all members of the group approve it, innovative leader give an important influence.

In the case of Sadrach, actually the conflict with "official" Dutch missionary is not an organizational resist but a pastoral struggle of different interpretation. That shows how the Dutch church revenue is not ready for a different form of Javanese Christianity. Sadrach’s children were attending in Dutch Zending School. It is show that the relationship between Sadrach and Dutch missionariesis is not a big issue. It is only an internal conflict over the impatience of various parties to understand each other's efforts to build Christian community in Java.

Sadrach’s missionary models that have occurred in other parts of Java such as Tunggulwulung and Coolen never become a common model of Christian missionary and still as a local and sporadic efforts. Meanwhile, Dutch missionary also was trying to find the appropriate form to build a church in Java. At that time it is not totally wrong if it introduces its European cultural tradition or colonialism as a consequence. These two models of missionary approaches produce a different model of leadership as well. One bound as part of organizational systems, while others liberate themselves to go beyond the rules of the organization and determine the direction of authoritarian religious groups.

Up until now, the continuation of struggle to find the appropriate form of Javanese-Christianity is always debatable and never done well. Like another religion struggles with the dynamic socio-political context, with the attraction between authenticity and moderate religious formation, with all of the adherent spiritual need, the encountering moment between religion and culture will remain an important opportunity for the effort to build a religious movement and religious leadership model in Java.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Anderson, R.O’G., Language and Power; Exploring Political Culture in Indonesia, Cornell University Press, Itaca and London, 1990.

2. Banawiratma, J.B, Yesus Sang Guru, Pertemuan Kejawen dengan Injil, Kanisius, Yogyakarta, 1977.

3. Geertz, Clifford, “Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example” in American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 59, No. 1. (Feb., 1957), pp. 32-54.

4. Hefner, “Robert W., Ritual and Cultural Reproduction in Non-Islamic Java” : American Ethnologist, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Nov., 1983), pp. 665-683

5. Hefner, Robert W., Conversion to Christianity. Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2004.

6. Kruger, Muller, Sedjarah Geredja di Indonesia (A History of Church in Indonesia), BPK, Jakarta, 1959.

7. Reid, Anthony, ed., Southeast Asia in The Early Modern Era; Trade, Power, and Belief, Cornel University Press, Itaca and London.

8. Ricklefs, M.C., Mystic Synthesis in Java; A History of Islamization from The Fourtheenth to The Early Nineteeth Centuries, Easbridge, Norwalk, 2006.

9. Ricklefs, M.C., A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1200, Stanford University Press, California, 2001.

10. Ricklefs, M.C., Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from The Fourtheenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries, EastBridge, Norwalk, 2006.

11. Ricklefs, M.C., Religious Reform & Polarization in Java, in ISIM REVIEW 21 / SPRING 2008.

12. Sumarthana, Th, Mission at The Crossroads, Indegenous Churches, European Missionaries, Islamic Association and Socio-Religious Change in Java 1812 – 1936

13. Sutarman, Partonadi, S., Sadrach Community and its Contextual Roots; a Nineteenth Century Javanese Expression of Christianity, Rodopi, Amsterdam-Atlanta, 1990.

14. Tarling, Nicholas, ed., The Chambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume One, From Early Times to c. 1800. Chambridge University Press.

15. Tarling, Nicholas, ed., The Chambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume Two, The Nineteenth and Twentieth Century, Chambridge University Press.

16. van der Kroef, Justus M., Javanese Messianic Expectations: Their Origin and Cultural Context : Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Jun., 1959), pp. 299-323.

17. Aspects of Indonesia's Social Structure Author(s): Leslie H. Palmier Source: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Jun., 1955), pp. 117-131 Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

18. The "Slametan": Textual Knowledge and Ritual Performance in Central Javanese Islam Author(s): Mark R. Woodward Source: History of Religions, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Aug., 1988), pp. 54-89 Published by: The University of Chicago Press